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THE MOON-BUSH CASH CONDUIT
Consortium News
By Robert Parry
June 14, 2006
http://www.consortiumnews.com/2006/061406.html
Over the past quarter century, South Korean theocrat Sun Myung
Moon has been
one of the Bush familyıs major benefactors both politically
and
financially while enjoying what appears to be protection
against federal
investigations into evidence that his cult-like organization has
functioned
as a criminal enterprise.
Indeed, the newest disclosure about Moon funneling money to a
Bush family
entity bears many of the earmarks of Moonıs business strategy of
laundering
money through a complex maze of front companies and cut-outs so
it canıt be
easily followed. In this case, according to an article in the
Houston
Chronicle, Moonıs Washington Times Foundation gave $1 million to
the Greater
Houston Community Foundation, which in turn acted as a conduit
for donations
to the George H.W. Bush Presidential Library.
The Chronicle obtained indirect confirmation that Moonıs money
was passing
through the Houston foundation to the Bush library from Bush
family
spokesman Jim McGrath. Asked whether Moonıs $1 million had ended
up there,
McGrath responded, ³Weıre in an uncomfortable position. If a
donor doesnıt
want to be identified we need to honor their privacy.²
But when asked whether the $1 million was intended to curry
favor with the
Bush family to get President George W. Bush to grant a pardon
for Moonıs
1982 felony tax fraud conviction, McGrath answered, ³If thatıs
why he gave
the grant, heıs throwing his money away. Thatıs not the way
the Bushes
operate.²
McGrath then added, ³President Bush has been very grateful for
the
friendship shown to him by the Washington Times Foundation, and
the
Washington Times serves a vital role in Washington. But there
canıt be any
connection to any kind of a pardon.² [Houston Chronicle, June 8,
2006,
citing the work of private researcher Larry Zilliox.
<http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/printstory.mpl/metropolitan/casey/3953506>]
But Moon has many other interests beyond clearing his criminal
record with a
presidential pardon.
While itıs true Moon has sought a pardon since the latter years
of Ronald
Reaganıs administration, Moon also has counted on powerful
political
connections to shield his business activities from renewed
federal
investigation that otherwise might have pried into criminal
offenses ranging
from money laundering to evading the U.S. embargo on the rogue
state of
North Korea.
Moon has achieved this remarkable insulation for his operations
largely by
spreading around hundreds of millions of dollars for political
activities,
charitable functions and the publication of one of Washingtonıs
daily
newspapers, the Washington Times.
The founder of the South Korean-based Unification Church has
made himself
particularly useful to the Bush family and other prominent
Republicans who
have returned the favor by speaking at his events, lavishing
praise on his
business operations and granting him Capitol Hill space for some
of his
ceremonies.
Bags of Cash
Faced with Moonıs political clout, federal authorities have
looked the other
way for more than two decades even when principals within Moonıs
organization have made public declarations about its continuing
criminal
practices.
For instance, Moonıs former daughter-in-law, Nansook Hong,
admitted to
participating in money-laundering schemes by personally
smuggling cash from
South Korea into the United States. She also said she witnessed
other cases
in which bags of cash were carried into the United States and
delivered to
Moonıs businesses.
Moon ³demonstrated contempt for U.S. law every time he accepted
a paper bag
full of untraceable, undeclared cash collected from true
believers² who
smuggled the money in from overseas, Nansook Hong wrote in her
1998 book, In
the Shadows of the Moons.
Nansook Hongıs allegations were corroborated by other
disaffected Moon
disciples in press interviews and in civil court proceedings.
Maria Madelene Pretorious, a former Unification Church member
who worked at
Moonıs Manhattan Center, a New York City music venue and
recording studio,
testified at a court hearing in Massachusetts that in December
of 1993 or
January of 1994, one of Moonıs sons, Hyo Jin Moon, returned from
a trip to
Korea ³with $600,000 in cash which he had received from his
father. ...
Myself along with three or four other members that worked at
Manhattan
Center saw the cash in bags, shopping bags.²
In an interview with me in the mid-1990s, Pretorious said Asian
church
members would bring cash into the United States where it would
be circulated
through Moonıs business empire as a way to launder it. At the
center of this
financial operation, Pretorious said, was One-Up Corp., a
Delaware-registered holding company that owned many Moon
enterprises
including the Manhattan Center and New World Communications, the
parent
company of the Washington Times.
³Once that cash is at the Manhattan Center, it has to be
accounted for,²
Pretorious said. ³The way thatıs done is to launder the cash.
Manhattan
Center gives cash to a business called Happy World which owns
restaurants.
... Happy World needs to pay illegal aliens. ... Happy World
pays some back
to the Manhattan Center for services rendered.ı The rest goes
to One-Up and
then comes back to Manhattan Center as an investment.²
The lack of federal investigative interest in these admissions
of guilt was
especially curious because evidence of Moonıs money-laundering
dated back to
the late 1970s when Moonıs operations came under the scrutiny of
a
congressional probe into a South Korean influence-buying plot
called
³Koreagate.² Investigators discovered Moonıs pattern of money
transfers
emanating from mysterious sources in Asia and ending up funding
media,
political, educational and religious activities in the United
States.
By the early 1980s, that federal money-laundering probe had led
to the
criminal charges against Moon for tax evasion, a prosecution
that the new
Reagan-Bush Justice Department tried to derail but couldnıt
because it was
being handled by career prosecutors in New York City. Moon was
convicted in
1982 and imprisoned for 13 months.
Buying Influence
But Moonıs influence-buying operation was only just beginning.
He launched the Washington Times in 1982 and its staunch support
for
Reagan-Bush political interests quickly made it a favorite of
Reagan, Bush
and other influential Republicans. Moon also made sure that his
steady flow
of cash found its way into the pockets of key conservative
operatives,
especially when they were most in need, when they were facing
financial
crises.
For instance, when the New Rightıs direct-mail whiz Richard
Viguerie fell on
hard times in the late 1980s, Moon had a corporation run by a
chief
lieutenant, Bo Hi Pak, buy one of Viguerieıs properties for $10
million.
[See Orange County Register, Dec. 21, 1987; Washington Post,
Oct. 15, 1989]
Moon also used the Washington Times and its affiliated
publications to
create seemingly legitimate conduits to funnel money to
individuals and
companies. In another example of Moonıs largesse, the Washington
Times hired
Viguerie to conduct a pricy direct-mail subscription drive,
boosting his
profit margin.
Another case of saving a right-wing icon occurred when the Rev.
Jerry
Falwell was facing financial ruin over the debts piling up at
Liberty
University.
But the fundamentalist Christian school in Lynchburg, Va., got a
last-minute
bail-out in the mid-1990s ostensibly from two Virginia
businessmen, Dan
Reber and Jimmy Thomas, who used their non-profit Christian
Heritage
Foundation to snap up a large chunk of Libertyıs debt for $2.5
million, a
fraction of its face value.
Falwell rejoiced and called the moment ³the greatest single day
of financial
advantage² in the schoolıs history, even though it was
accomplished at the
disadvantage of many small true-believing investors who had
bought the
church construction bonds through a Texas company.
But Falwellıs secret benefactor behind the debt purchase was Sun
Myung Moon,
who was kept in the background partly because of his
controversial Biblical
interpretations that hold Jesus to have been a failure and
because of Moonıs
alleged brainwashing of thousands of young Americans, often
shattering their
bonds with their biological families.
Moon had used his tax-exempt Womenıs Federation for World Peace
to funnel
$3.5 million to the Reber-Thomas Christian Heritage Foundation,
the
non-profit that purchased the schoolıs debt. I stumbled onto
this
Moon-Falwell connection by examining the Internal Revenue
Service filings of
Moonıs front groups.
The Women Federationıs vice president Susan Fefferman confirmed
that the
$3.5 million grant had gone to ³Mr. Falwellıs people² for the
benefit of
Liberty University. The indirect funneling of money to Falwellıs
school
paralleled the technique used a decade later to donate funds to
George H.W.
Bushıs presidential library. [For more on Moonıs funding of the
Right, see
Robert Parryıs Secrecy & Privilege.
<http://www.secrecyandprivilege.com/>]
Bush Speeches
Moon also used the Womenıs Federation to pay substantial
speaking fees to
George H.W. Bush, who gave talks at Moon-sponsored events. In
September
1995, Bush and his wife, Barbara, gave six speeches in Asia for
the Womenıs
Federation. In one speech on Sept. 14 to 50,000 Moon supporters
in Tokyo,
Bush said ³what really counts is faith, family and friends.²
Moonıs wife, Hak Ja Han Moon, followed the ex-President and
announced that
³it has to be Reverend Moon to save the United States, which is
in decline
because of the destruction of the family and moral decay.²
[Washington Post,
Sept. 15, 1995]
In summer 1996, Bush was lending his prestige to Moon again.
Bush addressed
the Moon-connected Family Federation for World Peace in
Washington, an event
that gained notoriety when comedian Bill Cosby tried to back out
of his
contract after learning of Moonıs connection. Bush had no such
qualms.
[Washington Post, July 30, 1996]
In fall 1996, Moon needed the ex-Presidentıs help again. Moon
was trying to
replicate his Washington Times influence in South America by
opening a
regional newspaper, Tiempos del Mundo. But South American
journalists were
recounting unsavory chapters of Moonıs history, including his
links to South
Koreaıs feared intelligence service and various neo-fascist
organizations.
In the early 1980s, Moon had used friendships with the military
dictatorships in Argentina and Uruguay which had been
responsible for tens
of thousands of political murders to invest in those two
countries. There
also were allegations of Moonıs links to the regionıs major drug
traffickers. [For details on the drug ties, see Robert Parryıs
Lost History.
<http://www.secrecyandprivilege.com/>]
Heaven Sent
Moonıs disciples fumed about the critical stories and accused
the Argentine
news media of trying to sabotage Moonıs plans for an inaugural
gala in
Buenos Aires on Nov. 23, 1996. ³The local press was trying to
undermine the
event,² complained the churchıs internal newsletter, Unification
News.
Given the controversy, Argentinaıs elected president, Carlos
Menem, decided
to reject Moonıs invitation.
But Moon had a trump card: the endorsement of an ex-President of
the United
States, George H.W. Bush. Agreeing to speak at the newspaperıs
launch, Bush
flew aboard a private plane, arriving in Buenos Aires on Nov.
22. Bush
stayed at Menemıs official residence, the Olivos.
As the headliner at the newspaperıs inaugural gala, Bush saved
the day,
Moonıs followers gushed. ³Mr. Bushıs presence as keynote speaker
gave the
event invaluable prestige,² wrote the Unification News. ³Father
[Moon] and
Mother [Mrs. Moon] sat with several of the True Children [Moonıs
offspring]
just a few feet from the podium² where Bush spoke.
³I want to salute Reverend Moon,² Bush declared. ³A lot of my
friends in
South America donıt know about the Washington Times, but it is
an
independent voice. The editors of the Washington Times tell me
that never
once has the man with the vision [Moon] interfered with the
running of the
paper, a paper that in my view brings sanity to Washington,
D.C.²
Bushıs speech was so effusive that it surprised even Moonıs
followers. ³Once
again, heaven turned a disappointment into a victory,² the
Unification News
exulted. ³Everyone was delighted to hear his compliments. We
knew he would
give an appropriate and niceı speech, but praise in Fatherıs
presence was
more than we expected. ... It was vindication. We could just
hear a sigh of
relief from Heaven.²
While Bushıs assertion about Moonıs Washington Times as a voice
of ³sanity²
may be a matter of opinion, Bushıs vouching for its editorial
independence
simply wasnıt true. Almost since it opened in 1982, a string of
senior
editors and correspondents have resigned, citing the
manipulation of the
news by Moon and his subordinates. The first editor, James
Whelan, resigned
in 1984, confessing that ³I have blood on my hands² for helping
Moonıs
church achieve greater legitimacy.
Ties That Bind
But Bushıs boosterism was just what Moon needed in South
America. ³The day
after,² the Unification News observed, ³the press did a
180-degree
about-turn once they realized that the event had the support of
a U.S.
President.² With Bushıs help, Moon had gained another beachhead
for his
worldwide business-religious-political-media empire.
After the event, Menem told reporters from La Nacion that Bush
had claimed
privately to be only a mercenary who did not really know Moon.
³Bush told me
he came and charged money to do it,² Menem said. [La Nacion,
Nov. 26, 1996]
But Bush was not telling Menem the whole story. By fall 1996,
Bush and Moon
had been working in political tandem for at least a decade and a
half. The
ex-President also had been earning huge speaking fees as a front
man for
Moon for more than a year.
Throughout these public appearances for Moon, Bushıs office
refused to
divulge how much Moon-affiliated organizations have paid the
ex-President.
But estimates of Bushıs fee for the Buenos Aires appearance
alone ran
between $100,000 and $500,000. Sources close to the Unification
Church told
me that the total spending on Bush ran into the millions, with
one source
telling me that Bush stood to make as much as $10 million from
Moonıs
organization.
The senior George Bush may have had a political motive, too. By
1996,
sources close to Bush were saying the ex-President was working
hard to
enlist well-to-do conservatives and their money behind the
presidential
candidacy of his son, George W. Bush. Moon was one of the
deepest pockets in
right-wing circles.
North Korean Cash
Moon, who has the status of a U.S. permanent resident alien, has
skirted
other federal laws, including prohibitions on financial
relations with the
hard-line communist government of North Korea.
Despite Moonıs history of extreme anti-communism, Moon began
spreading money
around inside North Korea much as he has in other countries
while
seeking business advantages during the first Bush
administration, according
to U.S. intelligence documents.
U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency documents, which I obtained
under a Freedom
of Information Act request, showed Moonıs organization paying
millions of
dollars to North Korean leaders. The payments included a $3
million
³birthday present² to current communist leader Kim Jong Il and
offshore
payments amounting to ³several tens of million dollars² to the
previous
communist dictator, Kim Il Sung, the partially declassified
documents said.
Yet, in the 1990s, while Moon was passing out money, North Korea
was
scrambling for the resources to develop missiles and other
advanced
weaponry, including a nuclear weapons capability. Moonıs
activities
attracted the attention of the Defense Intelligence Agency
because it is
responsible for monitoring potential military threats to the
United States.
Moon negotiated one North Korean business deal in 1991, after
face-to-face
meetings with Kim Il Sung, the longtime communist leader, the
DIA documents
said.
³These talks took place secretly, without the knowledge of the
South Korean
government,² the DIA wrote on Feb. 2, 1994. ³In the original
deal with Kim
[Il Sung], Moon paid several tens of million dollars as a
down-payment into
an overseas account,² the DIA said in a cable dated Aug. 14,
1994.
The DIA said Moon's organization also delivered money to Kim Il
Sung's son
and successor, Kim Jong Il.
³In 1993, the Unification Church sold a piece of property
located in
Pennsylvania,² the DIA reported on Sept. 9, 1994. ³The profit on
the sale,
approximately $3 million was sent through a bank in China to the
Hong Kong
branch of the KS [South Korean] company Samsung Group.ı The
money was later
presented to Kim Jung Il [Kim Jong Il] as a birthday present.²
After Kim Il Sung's death in 1994 and his succession by his son,
Kim Jong
Il, Moon dispatched his longtime aide, Bo Hi Pak, to ensure that
the
business deals were still on track with Kim Jong Il ³and his
coterie,² the
DIA reported.
³If necessary, Moon authorized Pak to deposit a second payment
for Kim Jong
Il,² the DIA wrote.
The DIA declined to elaborate on the documents. ³As for the
documents you
have, you have to draw your own conclusions,² said DIA
spokesman, U.S. Navy
Capt. Michael Stainbrook. [To see two of the DIA documents,
click here
<http://www.consortiumnews.com/moondocs/index.html>]
Contacted in Seoul, South Korea, Bo Hi Pak, a former publisher
of the
Washington Times, denied that payments were made to individual
North Korean
leaders and called ³absolutely untrue² the DIAıs description of
the $3
million land sale benefiting Kim Jong Il. But Bo Hi Pak
acknowledged that
Moon met with North Korean officials and negotiated business
deals with them
in the early 1990s. Pak said the North Korean business
investments were
structured through South Korean entities.
³Reverend Moon is not doing this in his own name,² Pak said.
Pak said he went to North Korea in 1994, after Kim Il Sungıs
death, only to
express ³condolences² to Kim Jong Il on behalf of Moon and his
wife. Pak
denied that another purpose of the trip was to pass money to Kim
Jong Il or
to his associates.
Asked about the seeming contradiction between Moonıs avowed
anti-communism
and his friendship with leaders of a communist state, Pak said,
³This is
time for reconciliation. We're not looking at ideological
differences. We
are trying to help them out² with food and other humanitarian
needs.
Samsung officials said they could find no information in their
files about
the alleged $3 million payment.
Embargo Busting
North Korean officials clearly valued their relationship with
Moon. In
February 2000, on Moonıs 80th birthday, Kim Jong Il sent Moon a
gift of
rare wild ginseng, an aromatic root used medicinally, Reuters
reported.
Because of the long-term U.S. embargo against North Korea
eased only in
2000 Moonıs alleged payments to the communist leaders raised
potential
legal issues for Moon especially if some of the money stemmed
from a land
sale in Pennsylvania.
³Nobody in the United States was supposed to be providing
funding to
anybody in North Korea, period, under the Treasury
(Department's) sanction
regime,² said Jonathan Winer, former deputy assistant secretary
of state
handling international crime.
The U.S. embargo of North Korea dated back to the Korean War.
With a few
exceptions for humanitarian goods, the embargo barred trade and
financial
dealings between North Korea and ³all U.S. citizens and
permanent residents
wherever they are located, and all branches, subsidiaries and
controlled
affiliates of U.S. organizations throughout the world.²
Moon became a permanent resident of the United States in 1973,
according to
Justice Department records. When interviewed in 2000, Bo Hi Pak
said Moon
had kept his ³green card² status. Though often in South Korea
and South
America, Moon maintained a residence near Tarrytown, north of
New York City,
and controlled dozens of affiliated U.S. companies.
Direct payments to foreign leaders in connection with business
deals also
could prompt questions about possible violations of the U.S.
Corrupt
Practices Act, a prohibition against overseas bribery.
Ironically, although Moon reportedly gave North Korea
desperately needed
foreign capital, Moonıs Washington Times attacked the Clinton
administration
for failing to take a more aggressive stand against North
Koreaıs missile
program. The newspaper called the administrationıs policy an
³abdication of
responsibility for national security.²
Moon also was consolidating his influence with American
conservatives as he
was growing increasingly anti-American. While former President
Bush was
hailing Moon in public in the mid-1990s, Moon was calling the
United States
³Satanıs harvest² and claiming that American women descended
from a ³line of
prostitutes.²
But Moon understood one basic rule of politics that applied the
world over:
money talks. He knew he could get politicians to do his bidding
if the
bribes were big enough. In one sermon on Jan. 2, 1996, Moon was
unusually
blunt about how he expected his wealth to buy influence among
the powerful
in South America, just as it had in Washington.
³Father has been practicing the philosophy of fishing here,²
Moon said,
through an interpreter who spoke of Moon in the third person.
³He [Moon]
gave the bait to Uruguay and then the bigger fish of Argentina,
Brazil and
Paraguay kept their mouths open, waiting for a bigger bait
silently. The
bigger the fish, the bigger the mouth. Therefore, Father is able
to hook
them more easily.²
For Moon, there has been no bigger fish than the powerful Bush
family and
its many friends in the U.S. government.
............
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s
for the
Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Secrecy &
Privilege: Rise of
the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at
secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at Amazon.com, as
is his 1999
book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project
Truth.'
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