|

The Five Faces of Fascism
by
Michael Novick, Anti-Racist Action-LA/People Against Racist
Terror
(ARA-LA/PART)
Like the weather, everybody talks about fascism, but nobody does
anything about it. Just like the barrage of deadly hurricanes
that
continue in record numbers this season are being fed by global
warming
of ocean waters, the growth of fascism is being fed by a key
underlying reality. The Empire is coming face to face with its
own
limits and with the catastrophic consequences of its own
self-destructive contradictions.
The economic "race to the bottom" of corporate globalization has
de-industrialized the U.S. Simultaneously it's created a massive
over-capacity of production using labor priced below the cost of
human
reproduction in China, south Asia, and elsewhere.
There's a concurrent race towards disaster between Peak Oil and
Global
Warming. On track one, we have the runaway train of economic and
social devastation because of the soaring demand for a shrinking
supply of petroleum and natural gas. On track two is the runaway
destruction of the climate and the seas, through pollution by
the
gaseous wastes of petroleum. The only question seems to be how
rapidly
the tracks intersect and how total the smash-up will be.
Meanwhile, the endless war that hid beneath the surface of the "Pax
Americana" has come out into the open. Domestically we see the
Empire
trying to contain social upheaval by militarizing the schools,
the
border, the police, and disaster relief. We also see the
ineffectiveness of that military approach. Internationally, the
US war
machine is bogged down and bloodied in two land wars in Asia,
Iraq and
Afghanistan, trying to figure out how to deal with its problems
by
expanding them regionally.
In the face of these growing and intersecting crises in the
political,
economic and environmental spheres, fascism is once again
rearing its
ugly head. But like the crisis, fascism presents itself in a
multi-faceted way. There are five main forces competing,
contending
and colluding in building a fascist response and "solution" to
the
problems of the Empire. Anti-fascist forces committed to human
liberation and planetary survival must simultaneously challenge
the
Empire itself, develop solutions for the problems fueling the
fascist
response, and disrupt the fascist forces.
To do so, we need to get a clearer picture of the fascist
elements and
the contradictions among them.
Self-proclaimed Nazis, though not the largest or most serious
threat,
are a place to start. This is the element with the most naked
racist
approach, based on open white supremacy. They incorporate
traditional
nazi/fascist symbolism, and classic scapegoating of Jews.
Particular
groups within this tendency suffer setbacks, and ego drives
rivalries
between various "leaders." But this faction has an opportunist
tactical flexibility. It benefits from effective use of the
media to
magnify its forces and appeal. Nazis seize on every sign of
racial
friction. It appeals to younger whites with a sense of grievance
about
lost entitlements. They often present themselves as
anti-establishment
or even anti-capitalist, yet usually seek protection by the
cops. They
use methods of physical intimidation, as bullies do. But like
all
bullies, they are highly susceptible to organized physical
resistance.
Clerical fascism is a second major component, also connected to
an
element of traditional fascism. It is based in religious
fundamentalism, and often incorporates well-established and
well-funded religious organizations, whether churches or lay
fraternal
groups. They base their appeal on a sense of moral decay under
the
Empire, but they are otherwise more than happy to operate within
the
mainstream and existing political institutions. In the U.S., we
are
speaking mostly about Christian fascist groups, which focus on
anti-woman and anti-gay organizing, opposing abortion and other
reproductive rights, gay marriage and similar issues. But in a
global
context, Jewish fundamentalism linked to a more secular, but
still
religiously-justified, Zionism is an important element of this
tendency, and in the U.S., Christian and Jewish Zionists make
common
cause. In the colonized and semi-colonized Muslim world, Muslim
fascist fundamentalism plays a role more similar to that of
western
Nazism, presenting itself as the voice of grievance, with an
anti-establishment, "anti-imperialist" politics.
Anti-immigrant border vigilantes have resurrected the worst
components
of the old militia movement. They're most interested not in
replacing
but in supplementing the power of the state. Although some
elements
engage in anti-corporate or anti-politician rhetoric, this
faction,
like the Christian fascists, are generally content to seek entry
into,
and work with, mainstream political power.
Thus the Minutemen and such vigilante projects work with the
Border
Patrol, or run for elective office. They sponsor propositions
targeting immigrants, particularly Mexicans, and work closely
with
Republican and some Democratic office-holders. While professing
not to
be racist, they also provide a convenient conduit and nesting
place
for nazi and white supremacist forces. For example demonstrators
at
anti-immigrant protests in Orange County, CA, showed up waving
swastika and Confederate flags.
This is a growth area for a mass base for fascist solutions. The
state
legitimizes the use of extra-governmental armed force in direct
anti-immigrant action. Anti-immigrant and anti-Mexican hysteria,
an
outlet for white grievance, has enabled these groups to spread
with
Mexican and Central American migrants into the southeast,
northeast,
midwest and northwest, from the US "southwest," occupied
northern Mexico.
An element within uniformed and clandestine military, law
enforcement,
and state security forces, operating independently of the
official
chain of command, is a fourth component of a fascist movement.
This
aspect has been somewhat dormant in recent years, at least in
the U.S.
But the increasing use of mercenaries by the Empire, as well as
concerns within the ranks and the brass about the inadequacy of
current domestic and international counter-insurgency efforts,
is
resurrecting it. Continuing setbacks in Iraq and Afghanistan
could
increase this component dramatically, with a possible appeal
among
demobilized and disoriented veterans unable to find a productive
niche
in civilian life.
Fascist elements within the state, the governing party and the
ruling
economic and political elite are the fifth element, since
fascism is
built from above as well as below. The Bush forces have been
willing
to cement one-party rule through electoral fraud and coercion.
They
provide red meat and marching orders to the clerical and
vigilante
fascists, and reward or protect fascist elements within the
military
and law enforcement. This will grow as the disastrous
consequences of
Empire, and the inability of the rulers to "deliver the goods"
to
anybody but an increasingly narrow stratum of the wealthy, erode
popular support. The Democrats offer at best token alternatives
to, if
not outright reinforcement of, these approaches. This shows the
systemic nature of the crisis, and the limited options available
to
the rulers as the crises deepen.
The strength of fascism in the U.S. in particular can only be
understood when we recognize that the US political and economic
system
has always contained key elements of what later came to be
called
fascism. White supremacy, genocide, slave labor, and independent
armed
action outside the "authorized" use of force by the state, have
always
been key aspects of the US system.
The interpenetration of corporations and the state, and the
incorporation of a mass base into repressive state organs, have
always
been found in the US because it is a settler colonial society.
Colonized people have always existed domestically within the
expanding
borders of the U.S. Therefore such colonial methods of rule have
always been present within the U.S.
Moreover, fascists understand, as the "left" in the U.S. mostly
doesn't, that the Empire has always been a cross-class project.
The
system allows independent armed action by other classes and
class
fractions that support the imperial project, rather than a
monopoly by
the state or bourgeoisie.
The only effective resistance to fascism must be a thorough
economic,
political and social transformation. We can't appeal to some
democratic principle or institution to forestall fascism.
Passing a
law, winning an election, or even impeaching or removing a
president
won't do it. This is a fight to the finish for human and
planetary
survival.
Let's get organized, and build the solidarity and connectivity
among
people to withstand a fascist onslaught and the underlying
economic
system and way of life that are causing the very dislocations
the
fascists claim to have a solution for. Individually and
collectively,
we must not merely abandon but actively overthrow an Empire that
is
destroying the planet. We need to develop a political jiu jitsu,
use
the force of opponents' offensives against them.
We must take advantage of the elite's growing inability to
govern or
rule in the old ways to begin to govern ourselves in
self-determined
ways, through solidarity, mutual aid and direct action.
In each sphere of fascist activity, we need to build alliances
among
the potential victims as well as counter-organize among
potential
supporters.
This is not about an electoral coalition based on a lowest
common
denominator effort to muster more votes and 'throw the rascals
out' in
favor of a new group of rascals. It's about uniting all the
disenfranchised, exploited and oppressed to build a new way of
life.
The calamitous nature of the state response to Katrina on the
Gulf
Coast has been reinforced by their activities in the wake of
Wilma's
devastation in Florida. Extreme weather will only become more
severe.
Yet the 'best' we can expect from the state is military and
police
action to protect corporate property and enforce pre-existing
privileges.
So we need on-going, pro-active efforts to build new forms of
community, solidarity and environmental responsibility. We must
create
alliances among Mexican, Haitian, Asian and Muslim immigrants
who are
being targeted by the state and vigilantes; the women, lesbians,
gay,
bi, and transgendered people targeted by the Christian right;
the
Black/New Afrikan people targeted by the cops, courts and
prisons; and
working people generally. Only decolonization and
self-determination
provide a basis for this.
We must create a culture of resistance uniting militant young
people
with older generations capable of learning from past errors in
order
to prevent their repetition. This will allow us to confront and
topple
the state and fascists.
With Christian and other clerical fascism, we must identify the
fault
lines within the base of the fascists, as well as believers who
share
the religious faith but not the fascist vision of the right.
Regarding open nazis, vigorous, overt opposition as well as
covert
intelligence gathering and network disruption must be combined
with a
pro-active organizing strategy for reaching disaffected young
white
people. In this regard, work against not only military
recruitment but
also the militarist and propagandistic nature of education is
important. So is a defense of young people's health, cultural
expression, and rights, including those of young women.
Immigrants' rights organizing must proceed on the basis of a
vigorous
anti-corporate strategy for labor, and include solidarity with
workers
world wide.
Our opposition to the Empire's military aggression must reach
women
and men recruited as cannon fodder, because the struggle for a
better
world will require that they turn the guns around.
If we don't act to topple the Empire at its seat, the rest of
the
world's people will pay a terrible price to do it for us.
----
This is lead editorial from "Turning the Tide: Journal of
Anti-Racist
Action, Research & Education," Volume 18 Number 5,
November-December
2005. A free sample copy in the US is available on request from
ARA-LA, PO Box 1055, Culver City CA 90232. One year
subscriptions are
$16 in the US, $26 outside the US, payable to "Michael Novick"
at
same address.
|